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Monetary Recovery
After the end of World War II, the Fed struggled for
several years to regain its independence from the Treasury
and, then, under the leadership of William McChesney Martin,
it began to experiment with open-market operations. It
attempted to "lean against the wind," that is, it wanted to
make monetary policy countercyclical, tightening when the
economy boomed and easing when it slumped. During the 1950s,
the Fed developed open-market operations as its primary tool
and they have remained the dominant tool ever since.
Also, as the Second World War came to an end, delegates
from 44 nations met in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire to
redesign the international financial system. The Bretton
Woods agreement of 1944 attempted to return to
fixed-exchange rates and to reduce the barriers to trade.
The agreement in effect put the world on a dollar standard:
the United States linked its currency to gold, and the other
nations then fixed their currencies to the dollar.
The dollar was the only currency linked directly to gold
because the United States had accumulated almost all of the
world's gold used for monetary purposes. But throughout the
1950s and 1960s the U.S. lost gold, and by the end of 1967
it had only one half of what it had had in mid-1949. The
system was in trouble because everyone came to realize that
the U.S. could continue linking the dollar to gold only if
no nation tested the link. The system was patched up several
times before collapsing completely in 1973 when the United
States cut all links between the dollar and gold. Since that
time the U.S. and most other industrialized nations have let
their currencies float.
The breakdown of the Bretton Woods agreement was in large
part caused by the refusal of the United States and other
nations to sacrifice domestic macroeconomic policy for the
goal of maintaining the international financial system. For
example, when the U.S. used monetary policy to combat
unemployment, it expanded its economy, increasing spending.
Some of this spending was for products made in foreign
countries. Dollars flowed out of the U.S. into foreign
countries. The people in these countries were happy with the
amounts they had been buying from the U.S., so they did not
want to spend these extra dollars for U.S. goods. These
excess dollars should have caused the value of the dollar to
fall in the foreign exchange market, but they did not
because foreign central banks had fixed the price of the
dollar in terms of their currencies. The foreign banks would
keep the price constant by buying the excess dollars in the
market, and in the process they would create additional
amounts of their own currency to pay for them. This
transaction had the same effect as an open market purchase
by a central bank--it tended to increase the amount of
money.
The foreign central bank had three options after it
bought the extra dollars. First, it could return the dollars
to the United States and ask for payment in gold. By the
rules of the game, the United States should have been forced
to reduce its money stock when asked for payment of gold,
but this often was not politically feasible in the U.S. By
the 1960s other countries realized that if they demanded
gold, they would force the U.S. off gold.
Second, a central bank could sterilize the transactions
by selling other assets, and thus keep its money stock
steady, but this would not correct the problem and the
inflow of dollars would continue. Third, a central bank
could let the transaction expand its money stock. As a
result there would be increased spending in the nation, and
some of the additional spending would increase imports,
getting rid of the excess dollars. But if it chose this
third option, it lost control of its domestic monetary
policy.
The mechanics of a fixed-exchange-rate system, and the
rationale for why it would limit monetary policy were
understood by the mid 18th century when David
Hume clearly explained them. The quantity theory of money
was originally developed as a way of explaining how gold
flowed from country to country. Thus, no one should have
been surprised when the fixed-exchange-rate system broke
down; the breakdown was inevitable once countries decided
that they wanted to have domestic monetary policy. If a
country wanted to use the world money, it was also required
to have the world's price level. By going to floating rates,
the world went to a system that partially closed each
economy, at least for monetary policy.
Because Germany had a floating exchange rate, its
monstrous inflation in 1923 did not spill over its borders
to France or Britain. Rather as the value of the mark
dropped in terms of goods, it also dropped in terms of the
French franc and the British pound. For a citizen of France
buying things from Germany, the effect of the inflation was
hardly noticeable because the fall in the franc price of
marks almost exactly offset the rise in the mark price of
goods. Thus, a floating exchange rate system works very well
when the countries of the world are pursuing policies which
lead to a variety of rates of inflation, and that generally
has been when it has been used.
Although a floating rate frees monetary policy, it
reduces the effectiveness of fiscal policy. To see
this, consider the case in which the government of country A
runs a bigger deficit to spur spending, and it finances this
deficit by borrowing. The increased borrowing raises the
interest rates in the financial market of A. Unless country
A has barriers on the flows of money, its financial markets
are part of the larger world financial market. Hence, the
higher interest rates will attract foreign funds eager to
take advantage of the new higher interest rates. But if
foreigners are using their foreign exchange to buy A's debt,
they cannot use that exchange to buy its products. There
will be a rationing problem--who will get the foreign
exchange, the people lending in country A's financial
markets or the people buying products from A? Under floating
rates, the rationing is done by price. The price of country
A's money will rise in terms of other currencies. As a
result, people in A will buy more from abroad, thus
providing more funds to the foreign exchange market, and
they will be able to sell less abroad. The higher exchange
rate will cut exports of A, and thus jobs will be lost.
Since the original purpose of the government deficit was to
create jobs, it is partially frustrated with a system of
floating rates. Crowding out is more serious because
now higher interest rates not only cut investment, but they
cut exports as well.
Finally, a floating exchange rate system is not the only
way a nation can maintain an independent monetary policy.
Another way is to fix the exchange rate and then outlaw the
market, which makes the local currency inconvertible. This
system has especially popular in less-developed nations
primarily for its political advantages, not its economic
effects.
The table below summarizes the effect that the exchange
rate system has on macroeconomic policy.
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How the Exchange Rate
System Influences Government
Policy
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Government
Actions:
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Type of Exchange Rule
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.
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Floating
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Fixed and
Convertible
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Monetary
Actions
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not
offset
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largely offset by
money flows
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Fiscal Actions
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largely offset by
changes in net exports
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not
offset
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Copyright
Robert Schenk
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